Easwaran Kanason

Co - founder of NrgEdge
Last Updated: July, 18 2021 02:00:01 AM
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Business Trends
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In the perennial struggle between resources owners and resource exploiters, Mexico’s latest move surrounding its largest private oil discovery ever has echoes of many past battles. There are only a few countries in the world that have both the physical energy assets and the technological know-how to exploit it, such as the US, UK and Norway. Even other major producers such as Saudi Arabia, Russia, Iran and Venezuela had plenty of outside help before nationalisation took over; to say nothing of the new players to hydrocarbons such as Guyana or Ghana. So Mexico’s decision to designate its state oil firm Pemex as the sole operator of the Zama field over the private consortium (led by Houston-based Talos Energy) that made the discovery has plenty of precedent. And is also a chilling reminder that the battle between national pride and international experience will always play out.

The Zama field, located in Block 7 of the Sureste Basin in the Gulf of Mexico, was discovered in July 2017 from the first exploration well to be drilled by the private sector in the country. The Zama-1 well struck oil at a depth of nearly 170m, and subsequent appraisal wells estimate the total recoverable reserves at nearly a billion barrels. Talos Energy, which holds a 35% stake in the block, is the current operator, sharing it with consortium partners Sierra Oil and Gas (40%) and Premier Oil (25%). First oil is expected by 2022 and peak production should stand at around 100,000 b/d. In many ways, Zama was a game changer for the Mexican upstream industry. At the point of discovery, Mexican oil production had been waning and discoveries lacking; Zama was proof that there was still significant amounts of oil left to be found.

The fact that Zama was the result of the first private sector exploration ever (well, at least for in over 80 years) was key. The fact that it was a huge resource was icing on the cake. Because in 2013, the Energy Reform allowed private and foreign investor across the entire energy value chain in Mexico for the first time since 1938, breaking Pemex’s monopoly in an effort to combat what was seen then as a chronic decline in Mexican energy. On the downstream side, international fuel brands penetrated the market for the first time, setting up what are now lucrative fuel station networks. But the biggest impact was on the upstream side. In the years following the 2013 Energy Reform, the Mexican National Hydrocarbons Commission awarded 107 oil and gas exploration and production contracts to over 73 companies from 20 countries.

The Zama discovery was born out of this de-monopolisation drive, and the companies currently drilling wells and making discoveries across Mexico include those from as far as Thailand and Malaysia. The string of new discoveries that have followed Zama’s are the fruits of this labour. Pemex still plays a vital role in the country – including running one of the world’s largest crude hedging programmes – but its loss of relevance has rankled some nationalists. Which is why in 2018, when new President Andrés Manual López Obrador (AMLO) took office on a nationalist platform, issuance of new E&P contracts have slowed down to a near trickle and new crude auctions have been suspended, as AMLO’s administration tries to assert domestic interests. His stated goal is to return Pemex to glory, which will mean rolling back the energy reforms that (briefly) made Mexico an upstream investment darling between 2014 and 2018.

Zama – as the most high-profile of all the private-led discoveries so far – has been at the centre of this tug-of-war. There is some basis to the government’s decision to hand over Zama to Pemex; this is not just some flimsy asset-grab attempt. Since the Zama field shares the same reservoir as one belonging to Pemex, the dispute has raged over whether Talos or Pemex has operational rights. A unification process to establish a joint area has been underway since 2018, with a study commissioned by both parties concluding that Pemex has a slight majority share with 50.4% of the shared reservoir. That ordinarily should have led to a new joint venture recognising the shared resource, but instead Mexico has decided to name Pemex as sole operator. It is a decision that should send chills down the spine of other international firms.

Because if it could happen to Talos, then it could happen to Lukoil, which just agreed to acquire a 50% interest in the Area 4 Ichalkil and Pokoch fields in the Bay of Campeche from Fieldwood Energy. It could happen to Petronas, which has made a string of offshore discoveries including from the Polok-1 and Chinwol-1 wells in 2020. It could happen to Eni, which holds rights in six E&P blocks (six as the operator) in the Sureste Basin. It could happen to anyone, because the AMLO administration has indicated with this approach that it is ready to confront the frustration and concern of foreign investors in order to polish Pemex. This could bring Mexico in the crosshairs of the Biden administration, since Talos is an American firm and this could fly in the face of some terms in the new North American trade deal. And more concerning is whether Pemex even has the resources and skills to operate Zama. The energy reform in 2013 happened precisely because Pemex couldn’t deliver operationally. Six years on and not much has changed at Pemex, so will there be any difference beyond nationalistic pride? Talos has made the full investment at Zama so far, while Pemex has yet to drill a single well after cancelling plans in June at the reservoir. Indonesia attempted something similar; and despite grand ambitions, Pertamina is no Petronas and the Indonesian upstream sector has languished.

Time will tell if this is a one-off or a trend in Mexico. But odds are that it will be the latter, given the nationalist bent pursued by AMLO and his relatively high popularity. But this shouldn’t be a surprise to any international firm operating in the sector. It happens everywhere. It is currently happening in Guyana, which is currently debating new petroleum laws to give the state a greater share of oil revenue after ExxonMobil was attracted there on favourable terms to make blockbuster oil discoveries. It is at the heart of the crisis in Papua New Guinea where the new government is attempting to extricate better terms from ExxonMobil and Total after their LNG projects took off. It resulted in Eni being ordered by a Ghanian court to place 30% of the Sankofa field’s revenue in an escrow account after the Italian major defied Ghana’s request to combine its field with the neighbouring Afina field owned by Springfield. Competing national interests and commercial rights are reality in the upstream world. And if those signs coming out of Mexico are correct, then current private firms sitting on Mexican assets should be wary. At least until this attempt fails and a new politician initiates a U-turn.

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Market Outlook:

  • Crude price trading range: Brent – US$72-74/b, WTI – US$70-72/b
  • News that OPEC+ was on the verge of a new deal – after some concessions were offered to the UAE to entice it to support the extension of the club’s supply deal – provided some relief to the global crude markets, but the resulting incremental gains in supply over 2021 have seen benchmarks retreat down to the US$70/b level
  • Markets are also increasingly concerned about the global resurgence in Covid-19 infections that spiking cases even in vaccine success stories such as the US and the UK, both of which have seen daily cases return to high double-digits; although this is mainly among the unvaccinated and death rates are low, the chances are the renewed outbreak causing further mutation is dampening forecasts for mid and long-term crude demand

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The Race To Cut Carbon Emissions: China, the EU and the US

Two very different economic blocs. Two pathways to a carbon-free future, one younger and one more mature. And one more with plenty of ambition but hamstrung by inaction. Between China, the EU and the US, three of the most powerful economies in the world all agree that pursuing a carbon neutral future is necessary if the planet is to limit global warming levels to 1.5 degrees Celsius above preindustrial levels, as committed under the Paris Climate Agreement. But the question of how to get there is the tricky one. In the past two weeks, both China and the EU have unveiled their own sweeping plans meant to limit greenhouse gas emissions, both incredibly ambitious in their own right but both also facing headwinds.

Let’s start with China. In Shanghai, the Shanghai Environment and Energy Exchange launched the country’s national emissions trading system on July 16. Currently focused on its own companies, the Chinese emissions trading system is already the world’s largest carbon market from the first day of operations. Covering an initial 2225 power plants that are estimated to emit more than 4 billion tonnes per annum of carbon dioxide, that amount already exceeds the European Union’s scheme, which covers about 2 billion tpa of emissions according to the International Emissions Trading Association. And there is still plenty of room to grow.

China decided to kick off its carbon trading platform with a focus only on power companies, given that they are among the most polluting of industries contributing to roughly 40% of China’s annual carbon emissions and roughly 14% of global carbon emissions from fossil fuel combustion according to the IEA. This initial phase allows the domestic participating companies to cover their own emissions by purchasing surplus allowance from those that have been able to cut their emissions through the exchange. Within the first week, Chinese energy giant Sinopec already closed a huge bulk deal by buying a 100,000 tonnes of carbon emission quota through its subsidiary Unipec. In the first day alone, a total of 4.1 million tonnes were traded, with the price rising from the opening CNY48 (US$7.41) to CNY51.23 (US$7.89), reflecting strong demand as the Chinese state aims to reach peak carbon emissions by 2030 and carbon neutrality by 2060. While the current price is still well under the €50 ($58.87) per tonnes under the EU emissions trading scheme, it is a bold step forward that can only grow.

In time, China intends to add other sectors such as iron and steel, cement, aluminium, paper, domestic aviation, building materials, and petrochemicals to future phases of the trading scheme. In addition, the first phase of the Chinese ETS is only limited to spot transactions by domestic players, but over-the-counter transactions and foreign/individual investors are expected to be added eventually one the exchange matures. Stricter carbon caps by industry may also be added, although the timing and scope have yet to be determined; China’s scheme is based on carbon intensity, rather than the EU’s absolute cap on emissions, which means that total emissions can still rise as power generation grows. For now, the price paid per on will be passed on to consumers, which promotes efficiency and incentivises emissions-cutting by giving a cost advantage to companies that are able to slash their carbon faster than required.

It’s a good start, even though it is unlikely to result in an acceleration of emissions reduction soon, given that there is not enough surplus renewables capacity to match the emissions of carbon-intensive industries. Which means that China will need to continue on its mammoth rollout of solar, wind and nuclear energy over the next decade to truly make a difference.

If China is just starting out with a framework that will service it for the next half century, then the EU is racing ahead to beat its own previous targets. The EU Commission has unveiled a new – dubbed the European Green Deal – that intends to achieve and exceed its commitments under the Paris Agreement, which bound the bloc to cutting greenhouse gas emissions by 55% in 2030 from 1990 levels and achieve net-zero emissions by 2050. The adoption of this target has already had ramifications across the continent, with almost all major energy companies adopting carbon neutral targets along the same timeline. And in some cases, even further, with the recent court judgement in the Netherlands that Royal Dutch Shell must accelerate its emissions-slashing plans globally from its already ambitious plan.

The new EU proposal aims to cut reliance on fossil even further and promote renewables. Central to this is a requirement that the share of renewable energy sources as part of Europe’s mix must rise to 40% from 20%, while limiting pollution from fossils fuels from key sectors like power, transportation, shipping, agriculture and housing – resulting in a 61% fall from 2005 levels by 2030, compared to the current target of 43%. Controversially, the EU proposal also deals with the idea of ‘imported pollution’ – carbon leakage that is caused by shifting production to countries with loose or no emissions rules by imposing a carbon import tax that will begin in 2023 for full implementation in 2026. This would ensure domestic competitiveness within the EU while incentivising trading partners that do adopt carbon plans by allowing the carbon price (as determined through China’s emissions trading system, for example) to be deducted from the carbon cost bill when entering the EU. It is a plan that has already sent shudders through global supply chains, triggering accusations of bias by developing countries. But there is also dissent for the plan in Europe itself. Emmanuel Macron’s government in France, one of the main pillars of the EU, is reportedly already lobbying to watering down the proposal to create a new carbon market for domestic heating and road transport, and phasing out all combustion engine cars by 2035. Other countries, including the Netherlands and Hungary, are also worried about the social impact, since the plan would drive up costs for average citizens. The EU Commission claims the increase in costs will not be too much, on the assumption that revenues generated from the new carbon market will be channelled to subsidise fuel bills of low- and middle-income households. 

Between China and the EU, bold moves have been made to progress on a carbon neutral future. But there is one major player that has plenty of ambition as well, but is unable to proceed with similar bold steps due to politics. Since taken over the White House in January, US President Joe Biden has made renewables a focus of his administration – announcing initiatives to scale back on fossil fuels and move to 100% carbon-free electricity by 2035. But his ability to push further – by, say, creating a national renewable standard or fund renewable infrastructure is hampered by Republican obstruction and state pushback. The likelihood that the Republicans may increase their power in the next mid-term elections also pours water on the idea that Biden’s big ideas can take shape eventually. But where the American government can’t step up, private investors can step in: witness the recent shareholder revolts at Chevron and ExxonMobil. The march towards carbon neutrality will be tortuous and long, but at least there is some progress happening now to ease the difficult path the world must take in the future.

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Market Outlook:

  • Crude price trading range: Brent – US$74-76/b, WTI – US$73-75/b
  • Despite continued worries over the Covid-19 delta variant, global crude prices continued to push higher after faltering mid-month; increases in consumption in the US and China is underpinning this, but that demand recovery is uneven globally
  • Active rigs in the US continue to gain at 491, just shy of the 500 site mark; while this illustrates the recovery in the US shale patch, this is still a major reduction from the active site count the last time WTI prices were this high, illustrating the new restrained and disciplined approach taken by the onshore industry there

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July, 30 2021
Renewables became the second-most prevalent U.S. electricity source in 2020

In 2020, renewable energy sources (including wind, hydroelectric, solar, biomass, and geothermal energy) generated a record 834 billion kilowatthours (kWh) of electricity, or about 21% of all the electricity generated in the United States. Only natural gas (1,617 billion kWh) produced more electricity than renewables in the United States in 2020. Renewables surpassed both nuclear (790 billion kWh) and coal (774 billion kWh) for the first time on record. This outcome in 2020 was due mostly to significantly less coal use in U.S. electricity generation and steadily increased use of wind and solar.

In 2020, U.S. electricity generation from coal in all sectors declined 20% from 2019, while renewables, including small-scale solar, increased 9%. Wind, currently the most prevalent source of renewable electricity in the United States, grew 14% in 2020 from 2019. Utility-scale solar generation (from projects greater than 1 megawatt) increased 26%, and small-scale solar, such as grid-connected rooftop solar panels, increased 19%.

Coal-fired electricity generation in the United States peaked at 2,016 billion kWh in 2007 and much of that capacity has been replaced by or converted to natural gas-fired generation since then. Coal was the largest source of electricity in the United States until 2016, and 2020 was the first year that more electricity was generated by renewables and by nuclear power than by coal (according to our data series that dates back to 1949). Nuclear electric power declined 2% from 2019 to 2020 because several nuclear power plants retired and other nuclear plants experienced slightly more maintenance-related outages.

We expect coal-fired electricity generation to increase in the United States during 2021 as natural gas prices continue to rise and as coal becomes more economically competitive. Based on forecasts in our Short-Term Energy Outlook (STEO), we expect coal-fired electricity generation in all sectors in 2021 to increase 18% from 2020 levels before falling 2% in 2022. We expect U.S. renewable generation across all sectors to increase 7% in 2021 and 10% in 2022. As a result, we forecast coal will be the second-most prevalent electricity source in 2021, and renewables will be the second-most prevalent source in 2022. We expect nuclear electric power to decline 2% in 2021 and 3% in 2022 as operators retire several generators.

monthly U.S electricity generation from all sectors, selected sources

Source: U.S. Energy Information Administration, Monthly Energy Review and Short-Term Energy Outlook (STEO)
Note: This graph shows electricity net generation in all sectors (electric power, industrial, commercial, and residential) and includes both utility-scale and small-scale (customer-sited, less than 1 megawatt) solar.

July, 29 2021
PRODUCTION DATA ANALYSIS AND NODAL ANALYSIS

Kindly join this webinar on production data and nodal analysis on the 4yh of August 2021 via the link below

https://www.linkedin.com/events/productiondataanalysis-nodalana6810976295401467904/

July, 28 2021